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๐๐๐. settler comrade
"If anyone is not hungry for justice, it may be because they are too full of privilege" -Sharmarke Dubow
native-land.ca
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Your car has a gauge for oil pressure and none for what the machine costs in lives. This is the missing instrument cluster: nine gauges, three lamps. Red is counted, amber is attributable, gray is on record and uncounted. Nobody counted twice, and the column refuses to be summed.
https://yourcar.felineunion.org/
In our society, the more power a profession accumulates, the less accountable it becomes to the people it claims to serve, with politicians sitting at the apex.
Coercion only binds what power can reach, control, and seize. Property, wages, housing, movement, access, reputation, custody, freedom, even the body itself. The threat works because something material can be taken away.
But once there is nothing left to confiscate, no permission left to revoke, and no institution left whose approval is required, coercion begins to lose its grip. Power can punish disobedience. It cannot manufacture consent.
on the Bronfman crime family (Liberal Party of ๐จ๐ฆ)
the supply chain did not run on gangsters alone. It also depended on selective enforcement.
Al Capone didn't go to jail for murder. He went down because accountants could prove the money.
Meanwhile, Bronfman supplied the same continental bootlegging economy, built a respectable dynasty, and the RCMP looked the other way until Canada's own taxes were threatened.
Same crew. Different paperwork.
One became a gangster.
The other became an institution. ๐ฅ๐ฐ๐ฎ
The evidence was always a two-step process, and people keep treating it as one.
Step one: the deaths are documented. Death records, school registers, church burial books, Indian Affairs files. That archive existed before any radar and doesn't need a shovel to be true.
Step two: radar was meant to help locate graves the paper trail already pointed to. It supports the record, it isn't the record.
Financialization and consolidation do not merely accompany economic stagnation. They are two of its engines.
Financialization means capital stops building.
The clearest evidence is the practice nobody markets as innovation: stock buybacks. Apple alone has spent more than $700 billion purchasing its own shares. Across Big Tech, the total reaches into the trillions.
That money creates no new product, laboratory, worker, infrastructure, or public capacity. It raises the share price, increases earnings per share, and helps executives reach stock-based compensation targets.
Once management is rewarded primarily for stock performance, returning cash to shareholders becomes safer and more profitable than uncertain research and development. Capital that once financed the future is redirected into polishing its own reflection.
Consolidation means creation gets bought, contained, or buried.
Venture capitalists describe a "kill zone" around dominant firms such as Google, Meta, and Amazon. Investors hesitate to fund companies operating near their markets because the incumbent can copy the product, block its distribution, acquire the company, or absorb its features.
The ambition is therefore reduced. Instead of building an independent institution capable of challenging the incumbent, founders are encouraged to build a feature that can be sold to it.
Meta acquired Instagram and WhatsApp because independent communication networks threatened its control over attention, advertising, and social infrastructure. Acquisition converted potential rivals into controlled assets.
Put financialization and consolidation together and the result is structural stagnation.
Production carries risk. Rent extraction does not.
Capital therefore flows toward the toll booth rather than the workshop, toward ownership rather than invention, and toward controlling access rather than expanding possibility.
The frontier is not empty. It is fenced.
Creation still occurs, but the moment it becomes valuable, it is captured by institutions whose profitability depends on preventing it from becoming independent.
That is not a conspiracy. It is the predictable gravity of a financialized monopoly economy.
FIFA is a psyop: test how much corruption, manipulation, surveillance, price-gouging, and political theatre people will absorb before they stop calling it football. โฝ๐งช๐คก
Justice wears steel-toed boots in housing court,
but slippers at the international court.
It kicks down the poor person's door, then whispers outside the powerful suspect's palace. ๐ข๐๏ธ๐ฐ
The public owes the money. ๐ฐ
The public owes obedience. ๐
The police owe โthe publicโ collectively. ๐
But the individual can still be denied protection. ๐คกโ๏ธ
And this operates inside a largely disarmed population?
So the state monopolizes force, restricts your ability to defend yourself, compels you to fund its armed agents, then preserves their discretion to decline service.
That is not protection.
That is a protection monopoly with no service guarantee. ๐จ๐ฆ
So now we are at cannibalism, because barbarism was not enough?
A system that exhausted exploitation, dispossession and abandonment has begun consuming its own people just to keep itself alive.
Getting a job is like buying the car that delivers you to your own extraction. ๐๐ผ
Your employer extracts value from your labour, then the system extracts your wages through parking, gas, rent, childcare, clothing and food just so you can keep showing up.
You're both the product and the captive customer. ๐๐ธ
Police do not eliminate inequality. They enforce it.
Petty theft gets armed escalation.
Grand theft on a corporate scale gets legal protection and a yacht.
The police provide cover for the inequality that keeps this society running.
"Quand tu ne paies pas tes taxes, tu crosses la sociรฉtรฉ."
Seulement si tu confonds l'รtat avec la sociรฉtรฉ.
Les anarchistes font une distinction fondamentale : on peut contribuer ร la sociรฉtรฉ par l'entraide, les coopรฉratives et les communautรฉs sans considรฉrer que l'รtat en est l'unique reprรฉsentant. La question est celle du consentement, pas de la solidaritรฉ.
U.S. dollar Ponzi scheme is illustrated right on the bill: an unfinished pyramid, watched by an all-seeing eye, sustained by endless layers beneath it. ๐ต๐บ๐๏ธ
Two letters, same government office, same season. One says build every lock so strong it has no spare key. The other says cut us a standing way in. Nobody has to explain it, because the two pages never lie on the same desk. That wall is the case.
https://therinse.felineunion.org/?ep=the-two-letterheads
The Broadcasting Act of 1991 hands the national broadcaster a job in writing: programming should be predominantly Canadian, reflect the regions, and contribute to shared national consciousness and identity. A decent thing to ask. It also means someone decides, day to day, what that sounds like.
https://therinse.felineunion.org/?ep=the-legibility-floor
โThe free man is he who knows how to dispose of his time, his labour, and his property.โ โ Proudhon, General Idea of the Revolution. https://thefederation.felineunion.org/
A Prime Minister named his principal secretary to the Senate. The headline called him a Liberal strategist. True, and the most distant true thing you could say about him. Nothing is hidden. The launder is the word, chosen for how little it says.
https://therinse.felineunion.org/?ep=the-strategist
They call it an on-device investigative tool, same family as Pegasus and Graphite. It reads Signal, WhatsApp and iMessage after decryption, logs keystrokes, and turns on the camera and mic with no light. Zero-click: no wrong tap needed. No tap at all.
https://therinse.felineunion.org/?ep=the-sealed-vendor
A national broadcaster publishes one of the country's best codes of journalism. Then former staff say the practice drifted from it. And the answer to the challenge is the code, produced as proof the discipline it describes was kept.
https://therinse.felineunion.org/?ep=the-standard